Injuring herself severely, Mamta Banerjee has also injured the hopes of BJP in Bengal, and in this condition Mamata is now campaigning from village to village, sitting on a wheelchair with plaster in her feet. As a result, the Trinamool cadre is sure that Mamta’s ‘heartwarming image’ will get the votes of the poor and downtrodden in TMC’s kitty by the lakhs. The issue of ‘local’ and ‘outsider’ will also get a new voice as Shubhendu Adhikari is now stuck in Nandigram after defying Mamta. Even though he is a ‘local Boy’, Mamta has also said that she is the daughter of Nandigram. For this fight, Mamta has rented four houses on the four corners of Nandigram. Anyway, Mamata had to leave her old constituency Bhawanipur, as there is a large number of non-Bengali voters in Bhawanipur and Didi has made the election this time to be ‘outsider vs Bengali’. There is a PM rally in Nandigram on 24th, even though his ‘Shubhendu Para’ saying for Nandigram may have caught on, but the BJP seems to be stuck in Mamata’s newly woven narrative.

As soon as the Uddhav government of Maharashtra decided that the lockdown could be imposed in Nagpur from March 15 to 21, concerns erupted across the RSS frontline, as the Sangh’s All India Representatives’ meeting is scheduled to be convened in Bengaluru from 19 March, with many senior Sangh leaders and volunteers departing from Nagpur to take part there. Sources reveal that when Uddhav Thackeray came to know about this, he took cognizance of this and called the Nagpur RSS Headquarters and assured the top leaders of the Sangh that there would be no problem in their movement, as his government would take full care of the Sangh leaders’ movement. Even though Uddhav and Shiv Sena are seen raging with the BJP, he has extremely good relations with the Sangh. Also, there are elections for Brihan Mumbai Municipal Corporation next year where the Shiv Sena has been in power for the last 21 years and the BMC itself provides Shiv Sena its bread and butter. So, Uddhav is also deeply involved in these efforts that in the coming days he should get an agreement with the BJP. While speaking in the assembly recently, Uddhav jokingly oriented towards the BJP benches and said, “We were with you in government earlier, we can be there in the future too.” So on Friday morning, former state Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, along with Mumbai BJP President Chandrakant Patil, suddenly reached the Nagpur without any schedule, and both these leaders held a long closed-door meeting with Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat, after which there was speculation that after the Bengal elections, the ‘Aghadi Vikas Party’ government in Maharashtra may bid farewell and new political equations can be formed in the state.

The ‘G-23 group’ of Congress dissidents is now broken down into just ‘G-7’, which is headed by Ghulam Nabi Azad and Azad’s recent record hints that he can ever switch over to the BJP’s side anytime. Most of the leaders who signed the letter, such as Shashi Tharoor, Jitin Prasad, Veerappa Moily, etc., have already been given important responsibilities by the party. Kapil Sibal is not merely dependent on the Congress for his Rajya Sabha; he has very good rapport with the RJD. Rahul Gandhi is not in favor of sending leaders like Gulab Nabi Azad and Anand Sharma to the Rajya Sabha again. Seeing this, two other G7 leaders Manish Tiwari and Bhupendra Singh Hooda have already started praising Rahul and it should not come as a surprise when in the coming days they are seen singing peans of Rahul Gandhi.

Union Minister Nitin Gadkari has always been known for his good rapport with the media and it is said that he does not let go of any opportunity to oblige the media, but in the past, one of his most ambitious media projects got stuck in the PMO. The Union Ministry of Road Transport had launched a massive awareness campaign in association with FICCI and the Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers on road safety. Gadkari is well known for his unique ideas and a variety of initiatives. Sources reveal that for the promotion of this campaign, he had made a provision of a budget of seven and a half crores, but the file has not returned since it went to the PMO, and is stuck somewhere, much like Gadkari’s growing political plans.

In Jharkhand, every possible exercise is being done to split the Congress which has 16 MLAs in the state, out of which 4 are ministers in the Hemant Soren government. The opposition is now eyeing the remaining 12 people. But out of these 12, there are at least 5 Congress MLAs who are not going to leave the Congress. One of these MLAs has won with the support of Christian missionaries who cannot afford to go to BJP or leave Congress. Another legislator, Sonaram, has won due to the kindness of Madhu Koda’s wife who is an MP, so there is no question of his departure. Anoop, an MLA, is the son of former minister Rajendra Singh, and breaking him will not be easy. The most important thing is that if the 7 people of the Congress also form a separate faction, then Assembly Speaker Rabindra Nath Mahato who belongs to the JMM quota will not recognize this separate faction and the speaker can go to the extent of canceling the assembly membership of these MLAs, even if the case goes to court later. So for now, the Hemant Soren government does not see any danger in Jharkhand.

Amid the noise of the farmers’ movement in the country, this question is constantly raising the head as to what is the attitude of the governments in the rest of the world to the farmers, how much they care about farming, and how much money is spent from the state treasury on the farmers of these countries. According to a report by the Center for WTO Studies, Norway topped the list of farmer-friendly countries, where a government spends $ 22,509 per year on a farmer. Looking at some of the other major countries in this list reveals that Switzerland spends $ 9,716 per farmer, Canada $ 7,414, America $ 7,253, European Union $ 1,068, Russia $ 855, Brazil $ 134, China $ 109 and finally India, where an Indian farmer receives merely 49 dollars or around three and a half thousand rupees from the government as subsidy.

Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar is also being considered to have played a major role in making the farmers’ 7 December tractor rally a success. Earlier, the Khattar government used police force on a large scale to prevent farmers from heading to Delhi. The farmers were baton charged and tear gas shells were fired, the police administration dug up roads to prevent farmers’ tractors. Due to which there was a lot of dissatisfaction among a section of MLAs supporting the Haryana government, especially Dushyant Chautala’s party. This time, when Khattar dealt with the farmers with a change of attitude, he was summoned to Delhi and on Friday the high command took a good ‘class’ of him.

Even after the icy rain of Delhi and the cold stance of the government, the heat of the farmer movement remains intact. After several rounds of negotiation failures, where the government is looking at the court, farmer leaders feel that their hearing should not be in the court, but in the temple of democracy, although initially the court seems to be in favor of the movement, but the farmers feel that the greatest beauty of democracy is that it can be talked about on the streets. On January 26, farmers are talking about taking out a rally with one lakh tractors. A farmer leader says that they have ration till May to sit on the dharna and there is a bigger reason to continue since now the number of these union has increased to 100 from the initial 100 which means that the protest is increasing and the protesters are also motivated.

In Bengal, the BJP had a lot of expectations from Sourav Ganguly, but at the last moment their expectations have begun to fade. The BJP and its top leaders in Bengal have wielded full power, and its results are also showing, as Didi can be seen worried. Even the atmosphere in Bengal has turned a little saffron. The only major challenge before the BJP is that it does not have a face, to project as the chief minister in Bengal. Former Indian cricket team opener and current BCCI president Sourav Ganguly could provide new hope to BJP. But for some time, he was under a lot of mental pressure, even though he is more close to the Left than thought, while living in Bengal, he did not want to hate Mamata didi and in his house too, especially his dear daughter has been openly opposed to the views of RSS and BJP. In such a sitruation, Sourav’s sickness came as a surprise to many, even when Bengal Governor OP Dhankhar came out of the hospital after meeting Sourav, he also felt the former team India captain was fit.

Shubhendu Adhikari, considered the number two leader in the Trinamool Congress, who joined the BJP after leaving Didi’s side, wanted to form his own party. Shubhendu was one of Didi’s most trusted dependents for a long time, and he is considered a byproduct of the Nandigram and Singur agitations and is also believed to have influence in at least 50 assembly seats in West Bengal. When Mamata’s government was formed in Bengal for the first time, Shubhendu used to call the shots in that government. But in later days, when Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee was brought in Trinamool politics, then Shubhendu slowly collapsed. In the second term of Mamata, Abhishek sidelined him with important decisions of the government, and therefore Shubhendu started getting restless and started to find a different way for himself. The roadmap for the formation of his new party was all set, and BJP leaders Dilip Ghosh and Kailash Vijayvargiya were already in touch with him. Sources reveal that Shubhendu wanted BJP’s help to form his new party, while the BJP felt that the formation of his party would lead to the division of anti-Mamata votes which are not in favor of BJP, so even on the opposition of party leader Mukul Rai (since Rai and Shubhendu are at opposite ends), Kailash Vijayvargiya has got Shubhendu to join BJP.